This paper was delivered to the sixth international conference of the World Anti-imperialist Platform in Washington on 8 July 2024, which took place as the Nato summit was also being held in the same city. The video above contains a shortened version of this article. The full text is below.
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We are here today because we share a concern about what is going on in the world and want to make a contribution towards solving all the problems we see.
But where do we start? It can be very hard to tell. Especially when there seems to be so much conflicting information. How do we judge what is right? How do we work out where we can most usefully put our energies?
Our ruling classes want us to think we can understand the world just by looking around us. And they bombard our senses with information.
The news cycle and social media combine to create a huge and very effective distraction machine, which prevents us from asking whose priorities we are responding to.
Do the stories that make the headlines on mainstream media really reflect what’s important in the world? If we stop and think about it, we can see that they do not.
But just realising we are being lied to and distracted is not enough. We can’t make sense of surface phenomena unless we understand what’s happening underneath.
Marxism is the tool we need
Marxist science is the tool we need to make sense of the world and find our perspective. Marxism reveals the underlying laws that underpin the workings of capitalist economics – where profits come from, how value is created, what are the root causes of inequality and poverty, and more.
Marxism also shows us that there are laws underpinning the development of human history. How the state came into being and what its role is. How classes developed and why they clash. Marxism explains the positive and necessary role of revolutions in moving human history forwards and allowing us to develop our productive and social forces.
Marxism is not a tool for detailed prediction as some would like it to be – just as physics can show us the laws governing the motion of matter, but it cannot predict the precise path of a single atom. That does not make the knowledge any less powerful, but it does require us to understand that it is a tool for understanding the big picture so we can make informed decisions about our day-to-day actions.
Our job is to master the understanding that Marxist science gives us so that we can take action to harness those laws and positively participate in the process of moving humanity from the capitalist phase to the socialist phase of its social and economic development.
Every day that the decaying, parasitic system of monopoly capitalism (imperialism) continues to exist, against the will and against the interests of the vast masses of humanity, more people die unnecessarily. They die from preventable hunger, preventable disease and preventable wars. They suffer preventable poverty and groan under the burden of economic superexploitation and draconian suppression.
We have reached a stage in human history where exploitation is not only unnecessary for producing wealth and developing technology, but it is actually holding us back. By impoverishing the masses of the people, the system of capitalist production for profit is unable to unleash the vast potential of the new productive forces it has conjured into being.
Instead of lightening our load and raising our standard of living, modern production methods make our working lives more miserable and force us into chronic overwork as the only alternative to unemployment and starvation.
Further developed by VI Lenin, Marxist science not only reveals the truth about the existing state of things, but explicitly explains the highest and final stage of global capitalist development – imperialism. Lenin’s work on imperialism showed what effects this highest stage of capitalism has on the working-class movement in its home territories and around the world.
Lenin also developed the science of party building for the era of socialist revolution, showing us what type of organisation we need to create and how the working class must use such an organisation to set about liberating the working and oppressed masses and removing the system of capitalist and imperialist exploitation.
His insights were the drivers for the success of the Russian communists in 1917. And since the October Revolution, the proletarian revolutionary and national-liberation movements have been the twin currents driving the movement of history forward.
The ruling classes want to hide the existence of this valuable weapon of socialist theory and socialist experience. They want us to feel alienated not only from the idea of Marxism but even from the idea of studying anything.
And yet, they are not having things all their own way.
The truth will out
One of the signs that we are living at the end of the era of imperialist domination is that, in spite of its huge machinery of mind control, the truth is harder and harder for the ruling class to hide.
Many important truths have been brought to us by the failure of all the plans made by the US-led imperialist bloc in recent years.
It’s built into their mindset that the imperialists consistently overlook the independent will and action of the oppressed masses. They consistently fail to understand that we are living in the era of national liberation, which took hold of the minds of people everywhere after the October Revolution of 1917. This means that, no matter how much death and devastation an aggressive imperialist army inflicts from the air, no matter how much suffering its occupation forces inflict on the civilian populations of targeted countries, the colonisers are in the end unable to win their wars and hold onto occupied territories.
Forty years of war in Afghanistan showed this decisively in the 21st century. After the second world war, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Syria all showed the same thing. The constant resurgence of Palestinian resistance over 75 years despite apparently overwhelming odds is another example of this same phenomena.
When imperialist operations go wrong, instead of yielding the big bonanzas for resource and reconstruction contracts that were anticipated, these defeats lead to recriminations amongst the aggressors themselves. As their blame game escalates, the ruling-class media fill with information about the real motivations for launching wars, as well as with leaks about how their operations are really carried out. Workers are exposed to a steady stream of insights into the decision-making and criminal activities directed by the ruling class through its executive officers in government.
And as these truths emerge, people become increasingly cynical. A crisis of legitimacy develops as they lose faith in the media and politicians who uphold imperialist rule.
Communism is still what the imperialists fear most
The history of the 20th century teaches us that the biggest enemy of the imperialist rulers of the world is communism.
When we look a little deeper into the so-called ‘cold war’ we see that it has been misnamed. There was nothing ‘cold’ about the wars of extermination waged against communists all over the world during this period.
To take just one example, our Korean comrades can tell you just how many millions of communists, communist sympathisers and potential communists were wiped out in the imperialist attempt to crush the national-liberation and socialist aspirations of the Korean people.
From the USSR and China during WW2 to the postwar massacres of communists in Korea, Taiwan, Vietnam, Laos, East Timor and the Philippines, in Brazil, Peru, Colombia, Chile, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, in Iraq and Sudan. In every liberation movement in Asia and Africa, communist or socialist-leaning leaders were killed and the movements they led were met with huge and ruthless violence.
One of the most notorious and bloody of these events, which is almost unknown to most people in the west, is the massacre of one million communists and communist sympathisers in Indonesia in 1965. Yet we are told that it is communism that presents a ‘threat to humanity’!
The threat of communism is real. But the threat is not to workers but to the capitalists. The threat is to the exploiters’ continued existence as a parasitic and privileged caste receiving all the gains of society’s efforts while performing none of its work.
Meanwhile, the imperialists are constantly providing fresh proofs of what they showed us in World War One – that there is no level of human sacrifice they consider too great in pursuit of their aims of total domination and maximum profit. How many Ukrainians have died because Nato was determined to smash Russia? How many Palestinians have died because the USA is determined to hang onto its colonial outpost in the middle east?
We need our own socialist, anti-imperialist media. One that replaces pessimism with optimism. One that provides answers rather than satisfying itself with handwringing. One that helps us to organise and unify our forces to oppose and overthrow the present order.
And we need to train workers to take on the big lie: the one that is repeated to us every day from birth in the capitalist world: that communism, the USSR and Josef Stalin, people’s China and Mao Zedong, people’s Korea and Kim Il Sung, socialist Vietnam and Ho Chi Minh, socialist Cuba and Fidel Castro etc represent the ‘ultimate evil’; that the revolutions they led and the societies they built were the worst kind of authoritarian, dystopian hell.
This is the number one big lie because it is hiding the number one most important truth that workers need to understand: that socialism – a planned economy run by and for the working masses – is the answer to all the contradictions that have been produced by the capitalist system and which that system is powerless to resolve.
Only a planned economy can take the huge means of production that the capitalist system has produced and use them to satisfy the needs of all the workers. Only a planned economy can create the conditions for a decent life for every person on this planet, can provide us with rising material and cultural conditions, with meaning and purpose, with community and cooperation, and can do all this without the exploitation or oppression of one person or one nation by another.
Global capitalism means global war
As time passes, the contradictions of capitalism only get worse. Because the longer capitalism exists, the more wealth accumulates into bigger fortunes in fewer hands, and the more obscene and inescapable the inequalities of our society become.
Since the beginning of the 20th century, the only ‘relief’ from crisis has been provided by war – by carnage and destruction on an industrial scale. And this respite has only been temporary and has inevitably led on to another, even deeper crisis.
Right now, the system is teetering on the brink of a further catastrophic downturn – a crash whose effects are likely to make 2008 look like a walk in the park. The imperialists have created a global inflation crisis by endless money-printing, which has been devaluing their currencies in a major and sustained way since 2008.
Meanwhile, not only are workers saddled with huge debt that will turn bad as inflation continues to rise, but corporations all over the globe have been borrowing to fund dividends to hide the fact that their companies are not really making profits.
All this debt will soon become unserviceable.
Moreover, the money jugglers of the corporate casinos have taken to ‘insuring’ their gambles (betting on future prices of commodities) in various commodity markets, imagining this makes their bets unlosable. But insiders are pointing out that it will only take one shock to one of these markets to reveal that the ‘insurance’ instruments being used are not backed by real assets and will be unable to pay out. They tell us that a big event in any one of the world’s main commodity markets (oil, gas, various metals and grains etc) could set off a chain reaction that will spread across the global market economy.
And all this is just a side effect of the global capitalist crisis – of the difficulty in finding real, productive ways to make a profit!
One thing is for sure. As long as this system remains in place, it will be the workers who are expected to pay the price for the failures of capitalist economics. We will pay through inflation (which is theft of our wages and savings). We will pay through austerity (which is the theft of our social wage). We will pay through the loss of our pensions, the extension of our working hours, the destruction of our infrastructure and social services, of our children’s education and our access to healthcare. We will pay through unemployment, homelessness, hunger, disease and poverty. And we will pay through war.
And all this suffering comes about because the huge wealth that the working class has produced is held in the hands of a tiny monopolist class that is unable to use that wealth constructively. Not because they are bad people (although the system does have a tendency to turn its ruling elites into sociopathic monsters), but because that is the nature of the capitalist system.
Imperialism creates its own gravediggers
It is vital that we understand that the imperialists are not all powerful; that their system is not eternal. It is the masses who make history, and the time in which the world’s masses will inflict a decisive defeat on the forces of imperialism is approaching very fast.
The urge to silence debate in the west and in west-aligned or west-controlled states; the pressing need to criminalise all dissent comes from a position of weakness not strength. We must take heart from these facts and refuse to be intimidated by the apparent power of our enemy, which Chairman Mao Zedong rightly characterised as a “paper tiger”. The imperialists may be strong and powerful, but they are not nearly as strong and powerful as they look.
We formed the World Anti-imperialist Platform because as humanity heads into this period of deepening crisis and accelerating war drive there is a growing need for the workers to play their role in opposing and defeating the capitalist-imperialist economic system.
The deepening of the global capitalist economic crisis is driving the imperialists to push down ever harder on the world’s masses, and it is pushing them to provoke more and more war. But that also means that the imperialists themselves are creating a rising tide of revolutionary sentiment and activity among the masses of the world.
As Karl Marx long ago pointed out: the system creates nothing so much as its own gravediggers.
The present conditions of global economic crisis and imperialist war drive are creating the foundation for the maturation and success of national-liberation struggles and socialist revolutions in the coming period.
As the imperialists drive us deeper into economic catastrophe and a third world war, and as conditions simultaneously develop for a new revolutionary wave, it is vital that anti-imperialists and communists all around the world work together. The objective conditions may be developing for decisive successes against imperialism, but the subjective forces need to be working to ensure that this is indeed the outcome.
We cannot allow imperialism to restabilise itself at the expense of the masses, condemning them to another two, three or four more decades of poverty, exploitation, misery and war.
Although we work in separate countries, our movement is one and our victories are connected. Every defeat for the imperialists weakens their system as a whole. Every defeat weakens their ability to control and bribe the masses in their home countries. Every defeat deepens their economic crisis and political instability, thus helping the working masses in their efforts to organise defeat for the imperialist powers at home.
Unity around a common goal
Of course, we can only work together internationally if there is general agreement around the key principles of who we should be fighting and how. Understanding what we are unifying for helps us determine who we should be unifying with.
The founding motivation for the formation of the Platform was the disarray that has overtaken the communist camp in the last 75 years. Theoretical confusion and organisational disunity have left our movement weak, divided and disconnected from the masses. It is no longer able to bring together a meaningful force or to clearly define who the class enemy is.
It is shameful to have to admit that many of the parties that descended from the revolutionary Third International are simply unable to make sense of the today’s world. Those who have led them over recent decades have steadily given in to bourgeois propaganda about the impossibility of successful revolutionary struggle, and even about the nature of imperialism. Instead of studying Marxism and spreading its key tenets amongst the workers, they repeat all kinds of bourgeois prejudices, spreading defeatism and even pro-imperialist jingoism.
That is what brought us to a situation in which the formerly revolutionary but now utterly degenerate Communist Party of France (PCF) voted for war credits for Ukraine in the French parliament in 2022. Today’s PCF focuses its ‘activism’ not on opposing imperialist war and capitalist exploitation, not on preparing the French working class to overthrow French imperialist rule, but on reinforcing imperialist lies through such ‘popular’ campaigns as the ‘defence of Iranian women’ – not from the terrible effects on Iranian families of imperialist sanctions but from the anti-imperialist Iranian government!
This is just one example of many we could give to illustrate the rottenness that has destroyed much of the old communist movement. Many of today’s communist parties are ‘communist’ in name only.
And yet Marxism and Marxist parties remain essential to the struggles faced by workers and oppressed peoples. Without the participation and knowledge of steeled and scientifically guided socialists, we will not be successful in liberating ourselves from capitalist-imperialist exploitation, no matter how revolutionary the sentiments of the masses become.
The situation we face today is very similar to the one workers found themselves in at the beginning of the first world war. With the honourable exception of the Bolsheviks in Russia, most parties of the Second International had been quietly deteriorating during the period of so-called ‘peaceful development’ leading up to the war (of course, it wasn’t that peaceful if you were living in Africa or Asia or Latin America, but things were relatively calmer in Europe).
Europe’s socialist parties had become steadily institutionalised during these decades; they had become professional. With members elected to national parliaments and local councils, they had achieved a recognised status within the existing political order as an ‘official’ opposition. When the first world war broke out, the degenerating effect of all this was revealed when their leaderships sided with their aggressive ruling classes on the outbreak of war. Socialist ministers joined national governments, supported the bourgeoisie’s nationalistic ‘defence of the fatherland’ slogans, and mobilised the workers to fight and die in the very war that only two years earlier they had sworn to oppose by any and every means.
It was left to the Bolsheviks to carry out the policy of turning the imperialist war into a civil war against the ruling class; of helping to turn a world war for imperialist profit into a social revolution to remove the imperialists from power and abolish capitalist and imperialist exploitation.
Out of that period of crisis and war, and the great revolutionary upheavals that it provoked, a new international was born, the communist Third International. Most of its constituent parties were small. Some were formed from the revolutionary wings of Europe’s old rotten parties. Most were formed from scratch in country after country as the influence of Marxism and socialism spread around the world on the wings of the October Revolution.
One important lesson we can learn from this period is that during a revolutionary crisis, success is not determined by the size of an organisation when the crisis begins. Success and growth during this period are ultimately decided by the correctness of the organisation’s line and by the content of its activity; its success in connecting a correct line to the movement as the masses begin to move.
In a time of rising class-consciousness and activity, when developments are much faster than they have been during the preceding peaceful period, those organisations that have a correct line have the opportunity of growing rapidly, while many big organisations that fail to rise to the challenges of the new period of intensified class struggle can be expected to wither and die.
We in the Platform are determined to rise to the challenge of this period. We have identified that the main contradiction today is between the imperialist countries and the forces of national liberation and independence. We wish to do everything possible to strengthen the camp of anti-imperialism by making sure that there is the maximum possible unity of the forces within it, and that there is a core of Marxists, with their strong theoretical understanding of the essence of capitalist and imperialist exploitation, giving the movement steel and clarity of purpose.
The Platform has understood that the ultimate essence of World War Three is that it is being waged between two great camps: the decaying US-led Nato imperialist bloc on the one hand and all the rising forces of independence and resistance on the other. Socialist China, anti-imperialist Russia and the socialist DPRK form the backbone of the second group, but it is made up of every country that is striving to forge its own destiny and run its own society and economic system without outside interference.
A crucial question we have to answer in our quest to unify the forces of anti-imperialism is: what is imperialism? If we can’t agree on that, we certainly won’t be able to organise ourselves to resist it, and we won’t be able to act together with others around the world.
Imperialism is not a ‘policy’ of this or that powerful state. Modern imperialism is a global system of highly developed capitalist production, in which capitalism has concentrated wealth to the extent that free competition has been replaced by the domination of huge monopolies and has conquered all the markets of the world. In this system, the export of capital for investment (reaping huge superprofits from cheap raw materials and labour in less developed countries) has become the main activity of the major imperialist powers.
The contradictions which this stage of development brings, with its blatant parasitism, its ruthless suppression of the superexploited peoples of the world and its immense inequalities, are so unbearable and so unsustainable that revolution has become inevitable.
We live in the era of the end of capitalism and the birth of socialism. This era began in 1917 and will continue until socialism is the dominant system in the world – until the time when socialist countries can develop feely without living under the permanent threat of strangulation and invasion by the capitalist world.
Lenin described the features of this global economic system in 1916:
- the concentration of production and capital in the advanced countries has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies that play a decisive role in economic life;
- the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this ‘finance capital’, of a financial oligarchy;
- the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance in these western economies;
- the formation of international monopolist capitalist associations (trusts, syndicates, cartels) which share the world among themselves; and
- the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed.
Lenin’s definition of imperialism should be studied by every conscious worker. His book on the topic remains the defining work of our epoch. At its core, imperialism is a global economic system, not a foreign policy ‘choice’. All the political and military paraphernalia that grow up alongside monopoly capitalism are there to protect the financial rule of the monopolists.
There is no way for the advanced capitalist countries to abandon imperialism without social revolution. That is why to be truly anti-imperialist in an imperialist country, you must also be a socialist.
So why do so many people in the west fall for the idea that Russia and China are ‘imperialist’ powers?
Essentially it is because our rulers, seeing how the masses everywhere (even in their home territories) developed a hatred for imperialism, have found a way to manipulate this sentiment and our lack of theoretical understanding. They abuse the language of ‘anti-imperialism’ and manipulate our disgust of their own abuses, and they say to us: ‘Russia and China are big; they have big militaries. They are imperialists!’ They repeat (endlessly and without evidence): ‘They are aggressive. They are imperialists!’
Many supposedly communist forces repeat these lies instead of exposing them, with the result that many people assume it must be the truth.
Yet when we look at the financial literature of today, we find that the biggest centres of finance capital remain the ones Lenin identified over a century ago. This underlines the historical process of capital accumulation and its increasingly gravitational effect.
The bigger a mass of accumulated capital grows over time, the greater the quantity of the world’s wealth it can attract to itself. The mass of capital in ever few hands grows exponentially, simultaneously exacerbating the already enormous level of inequality and heightening all the other contradictions in society as it does so. (As the broad masses are impoverished, the capitalists are destroying the markets for their goods, for example. And in building up ever larger sums, they have created a growing problem of how to keep reinvesting all their capital at a profit when the opportunities for making profits are diminishing.)
Meanwhile, the world changed forever just one year after Lenin wrote his work on imperialism following the October Revolution in Russia. The main obstacles to the imperialist domination of the globe came into being as a result of the mass action of the working and oppressed peoples, and of socialist economic construction.
The strong armies we see today in Russia (which it inherited from the USSR), in China and in the DPRK were built in response to the people’s need to defend their socialist gains. They were created for defensive not aggressive purposes, and their advanced technologies were developed through socialist planning and not through the drive to conquer territories and gain profits from superexploitation.
That is why the armed forces of these countries have focused on cheap weapons that will be effective in defence: supersonic missiles, small drones, air defence systems. The logic of their defence development has been the quest for what is effective, not for what is profitable. And the goal of self-defence and sovereignty has enabled them to build big, ideologically motivated armies that are ready to fight for the freedom and independence of their homelands.
There is no justification, either economic or military, for branding Russia and China as ‘imperialist’. There is no country in the world where Russian or Chinese military operate without an invitation. The Chinese and Russian armies are not filled with demoralised, suicidal soldiers who don’t know what they’re fighting for and are appalled and traumatised by the crimes they have taken part in.
There are no Russian or Chinese monopoly corporations that are taking over our lives and dictating to our governments.
There are no Russian or Chinese investments abroad bringing superprofits with which the Russian and Chinese ruling classes can bribe their own workers into accepting such pillaging abroad.
On the contrary, Russia has incensed the west by offering military protection to countries in Africa and Latin America that have requested this partnership and assistance, thus helping to keep imperialist domination at bay.
And China has incensed the west by offering infrastructure and developmental help, by making loans on easy terms and by sharing technologies instead of monopolising them.
This undercutting of the imperialists’ technological domination of the globe is the key reason why China has been targeted by the USA. ‘Made in China 2025’ was a clear policy of the Chinese government to attain technological sovereignty in a decade. The Belt and Road initiative was a clear aim at building a trade network that would be characterised by development and mutual benefits. These pro-people policies have been opposed by hysterical rhetoric in the west, where politicians and policymakers regularly howl: ‘We have until 2025 to stop China.’
Without technological dominance, imperialist financial dominance is impossible to maintain, since having a monopoly on the most advanced technologies is what used to guarantee the imperialists’ military dominance – a dominance that the current conflicts, from Ukraine to the middle east and beyond, are revealing to have been decisively broken. And military dominance has been the key to the west’s economic dominance, since the financiers always had the ability to back up their economic muscle with military muscle anywhere where the natives proved difficult to bribe or coerce in other ways.
We must understand all this in order to understand what position to take in regard to today’s wars. Without a clear orientation, there is no way for us to maximise the forces of revolutionary anti-imperialism.
The same people who want us to believe that the war in Ukraine is a dispute between ‘rival imperialist groupings’ in which workers have no side, are also busy peddling the myth that Hamas and Israel are ‘as bad as each other’. They want workers to believe that both sides of the war in Palestine are in some way manipulated by the imperialists for their own ends; that Hamas is not a legitimate national-liberation resistance movement but a pawn in some great game of interimperialist rivalries and is ‘islamofascist’ to boot. They want us to think that Hamas is like Isis.
This is simply not the case.
The Al-Aqsa Flood operation was not a terrorist crime. It was a brilliant military operation by the united forces of Palestinian resistance (not only Hamas) against the zionist occupiers. And it has launched a new era of anti-imperialist struggle that shows every sign of continuing until not only zionism but also its western backers are defeated. We can expect this war to continue until US, British and French imperialism are out of the region for good.
Western media demand that every politician and commentator who speaks on air about Palestine must first denounce ‘Hamas’ and agree that its fighters are terrorists.
This lie is aimed at justifying imperialist crimes and criminalising those who resist and those who stand with the resistance. The imperialists are trying to brand everyone who sides with the just cause of Palestinian liberation as a supporter of terrorism and an antisemite.
The imperialist media always presented the Palestinian question, as they do every other question of importance (the Russian special military operation in 2022, for example) as if history started on the day the most recent operation began. They go out of their way to ignore all the context that would allow their readers and viewers to make sense of the situation.
The imperialists want to stop us from understanding what is really going on; who is really fighting whom and why. They want to stop us working out that we have a side in these wars.
They don’t want us to understand that humanity’s cause will be advanced by a victory for Russia in Ukraine. They don’t want us to understand that humanity’s cause will be advanced by the liberation of Palestine. They don’t want us to see that in both these cases, the victory of their opponents will be an enormous blow to the dominance and profit-taking of the imperialists, and that this is something that is in the interest of workers in the west.
These victories, which are surely coming, will be a great advance for the peoples of eastern Europe and the middle east, whose development has been artificially held back and whose wealth has been stolen.
And this weakening of the imperialist camp will be of great benefit to the working-class movement in the imperialist countries themselves.
That is why the World Anti-imperialist Platform has unequivocally taken the side of Russia and the Donbass against the Ukrainian fascists and their imperialist backers. It is why we have unhesitatingly taken the side of the Palestinian and wider middle-eastern resistance forces against the zionist fascists and their imperialist backers.
For the same reason we will take the side of the DPRK if war breaks out on the Korean peninsula, as the USA is ceaselessly working towards. And we will take the side of China if the USA succeeds in its relentless provocations towards war over Taiwan.
We will work tirelessly to educate the masses about the real nature of the imperialist system. And we will do everything possible to bring our message to the peace movement that real peace will come only through the complete defeat of imperialism.
Our network is growing and becoming more meaningful, more truly global with every month that passes. At our conference in Athens last November, we had participation from parties across Africa, Asia and Latin America, bringing a real energy to our gathering and a real commitment to translate our shared line into real, coordinated action.
We are committed to popularising our slogans around the world and helping workers put them into practice:
No cooperation with the imperialist war machine! Defeat for imperialism’s fascist proxies in Ukraine and in Israel!
We must work actively for the defeat of all the forces of imperialism wherever they are; for the disruption and disbanding of Nato. We must work actively to combine and strengthen the forces of anti-imperialism all over the world.
And that means that we must continue to expose and oppose all those who pretend to be on the side of the workers while repeating imperialist propaganda.
The objective conditions are ripening fast for a new revolutionary upsurge. There is the real possibility of a wave of critical defeats for the imperialists that could shift the balance of forces decisively in favour of the working masses.
The subjective force – working-class organisation – will be decisive in this coming period.
Now is the time to study and to organise as never before!
